• C7 



341<J^ 



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Library 01 C 

Copies Re. 
I AUG 8 1900 

Copyright entry 

SECOND COPY. 

Delivered to 

X)RDER DIVISION, 

AUG 20 190U 






Webster Davis on Toast, 



AN OPEN LETTER. 



MR. AVEBSTER DAVIS: 

Sir: — Thursday, the 5th of July, 1900, in the Democratic 
Convention in Kansas City, U. S. A., you spoke as follows: "I 
have been honored highly by another party than this in the 
past. I have served that party well and have rendered ser- 
vices good as the honors I received and the account is bal- 
anced now. ... I love liberty, I love equality of rights, 
and I love justice, and when the party that I belong to has 
become too cowardly to take a stand for liberty, to represent 
this Government against British aristocracy and monarchy, 1 
leave it and leave it for good. . . . Liberty! We all love 
that splendid word, the sweetest word that ever blossomed 
on the tongues of men. ... I sympathize with people 
struggling for liberty everywhere. . . . We do love liberty. 
The masses of the American people stand for the blessed idea 
of liberty, justice and equality of rights, and I dare say to-day, 
if it were possible to get the news over the British cable to 
the Boer farmers in the two South African Republics, that 
the representatives of the six or seven million American voters 
send a word of sympathy to them, many a Boer would shout 
for joy in the hills of the Transvaal. 

"Grander struggle for liberty was never made in all the 
world's history than the struggle being made by the Repub- 
licans and Democrats in South Africa. Let us sympathize 
with them, and I am glad that you have taken this action 
to-day, and at the polls in November, follow it up. Let 
American principles ever live ! Let them go on down for years 
to come as an inheritance to generations yet unborn! Liberty, 
love of country, one flag7 one country, one splendid destiny 
alone! I stand upon this platform and support William J. 
Brennings." 

One reason for giving your allegiance to the Democratic 
party and its nominee arises doubtless from the following 



part of their platform: '-Believing in the principles of self- 
government, and rejecting as did our forefathers the claims 
of -monarchy, we view with indignation the purpose of England 
to overwhelm with force the South African Republics. Speak- 
ing, as we believe, for the entire American nation, except its 
Republican office-holders, and for all free men everywhere, we 
extend our sympathies to the heroic burghers in their unequal 
struggle to maintain their liberty and independence." 



ATWOOD'S WONDERFUL WISDOM. 

Or possibly you were impelled to "take the plunge" by the 
following very wise words of a "man from Kansas," who 
shows so much knowledge of and regard for international law 
and the duties, privileges and limitations of the Chief Execu- 
tive of this Republic and of the American Congress, the Hon. 
John H. Atwood, as exhibited in his speech made in second- 
ing the nomination of Bryan, to-wit: "Ah, my friends, the 
gods never saw, in all the times that have passed, a crime so 
black and so bloody as is being wrought out to-day on the 
veldts and plains of South Africa. Great words have come 
thundering to us down the colonades of time. The old guard 
of Napoleon said, when asked to surrender, 'The old guard 
dies, but it never surrenders.' Lawrence, on his sinking ship 
and in his dying hour, said, 'Don't give up the ship!' There 
is now, my friends, another legend and another saying. They 
are the words of dignity and of strength, which were uttered 
by that rugged old burgher, Oom Paul, when he said 'The 
Transvaal shall be a Republic or it shall be a grave.' 

"And when our leader is clothed with the power of eighty 
millions of people, when he grasps the scepter of power and 
reigns as the people's Tribune at Washington, another legend 
will be added to the heroic words of history, and these words 
shall be, 'Tyrants, stop! British Empire, stay your hand! 
America will not sit quietly by and see the death of the only 
Republics that are like our own.' And that will be all that 
will be required. The ipse dixit, the word of America, will 
be enough. And not only will the victory of Democracy next 
fall mean the rehabilitation of all the principles that we love; 
it will mean the salvation of the caure of Iib?rty throughout 
the world! Is it any w r onder that we ask you to do what 
you are going to do, vote for Bryan?" 



Doubtless Bryan will say those words "when he grasps the 
the scepter of power and reigns." 

Oh Imperialism! Thy other and true name is "Brennings." 
And Atwood is thy court fool! 

Mayhap your tragic "flop" was the result of the words of 
Mr. Bryan, spoken when one of the Boer Commissioners 
was at Omaha, when he said, "We should keep inspired by 
that love of liberty till every American citizen goes down on 
his knees and asks the god of battles to bring victory to the 
Boers." 

VAIN VAPORINGS. 

These vaporings of yourself, of Atwood and of Bryan, dis- 
close an absolute disregard of law, of fact and of good sense, 
and only show the people of the country that you are all 
playing to the grand stand. 

Had McKinley, in diplomatic language and phrases said, 
"Tyrants stop!" etc., he would have gone outside of his 
official authority and legal prerogative, and would have in- 
volved himself and the nation in extreme humiliation or war. 
He would have incurred the censure of all sensible Americans 
as well as the assaults of Democracy. Orators and editors of 
that party are already crying "Imperialism," though the Presi- 
dent is but patriotically trying to save the lives of the Ameri- 
can legation and citizens in Pekin, with neither expressed nor 
implied regard for the political results. 

IMPEDIMENT IN YOUR MODESTY. 

Mr. Davis, all those expressions as to love of liberty, justice 
and equality of rights made by yourself are, in the abstract, 
shared by every other American citizen. You have no mo- 
nopoly of those noble emotions, and though you oft repeat 
them with emphasis and exhort others to a personal action, 
seeming to feel as if the ideas were orginal with you, be as- 
sured that you do not impress the people with awe on account 
of your excessive patriotism. They only think that you have 
an impediment in your modesty and in view of your recent 
action, that you are on sale, again. 

THE ISSUE. 

But for the chief purpose of this discussion I will say that 
when you and Mr. Atwood and Mr. Bryan assert that the Boers 



of South Africa are proper subjects of sympathy because they 
are inspired by love of liberty, justice and equal rights, and 
that they are being overrun and crushed because they are Re- 
publics, I join issue with you and deny that such are the facts. 
And I affirm and will maintain the assertion that in no modern 
government, claiming anything like Civilization as a basis, is 
the contrary more absolutely the fact. 



TRUTH A WINNER. 

The American people not only love the triune principles of 
liberty, justice and equality, but they also love the truth. 
They are profound haters of those who would control their 
emotions and actions by falsehood. 

You are an alleged lawyer and should have brought into 
the court of public opinion, where you so eloquently argue for 
a verdict, a copy of the Boers' Constitution, and their statutes 
by which your allegations that the South African governments 
are republican in form and fact could be proved. But fearing 
to show them or indifferent as to their value, and depending 
upon your assertions and your wonderful eloquence, you have 
them not. Such being the case you can find your neglect 
supplied when the time for trial and testimony shall come, 
and I hereby challenge you, to the forum, for discussion. 

If any respectable number of Americans are so much in 
sympathy with the Boers as to be willing to aid them by hos- 
tile actions, I am persuaded it exists because of lack of infor- 
mation as to the facts. This effort is humbly tendered the 
public to supply that lack. 

SOME OF THE FACTS. 

History, at the command of all, shows that South Africa 
came into the possession of Great Britain in 1806, that the ter- 
ritory so acquired extended so far north as to take in the entire 
land now the scene of the scourge of war, that in 1833 slavery 
was abolished in South Africa, that on the culmination of that 
event some 30,000 Boers accepted the decree, but that from 
6,000 to 8,000 Boers who loved slavery as a right, and disowned 
liberty as a rule of business and social life "trecked." 

Those Boers eventually located on the land now the Orange 
River Colony and the Transvaal. In 1852 England gave the 



Transvaal autonomy and independence and two years later 
gave the same to the Orange Free State. That independence 
was granted with the stipulations that trade and traders were 
to be free. That Uitlanders, or citizens of other countries, were 
to have the right to make residence and to hold property in 
the Boer States. There was to be freedom to missionaries of 
all classes to work among the natives, and there was to be no 
slavery. 

HO, YE COLORED MEN. 

But with autonomy and independence the Boer eventually 
disregarded his obligations in spirit and in fact. Thousands 
of natives, with whom the Boers were often at war, were cap- 
tured and taken into slavery in the two States. In formulat- 
ing their Constitutions equality in church and state was' for- 
bidden among colored and white people. No black man could 
own land. He cannot be an independent trader. He cannot 
have the liberty to walk upon the sidewalk in the cities — if 
he does he is flogged. He has no standing in court. He can- 
not have action at law. In the Transvaal there is no education 
for the black man. Up to 1897 there could be no legal mar- 
riages among black people, and now the legal fee for the cere- 
mony is fifteen dollars, which, together with other restrictions", 
makes the law a nullity. Every native must have an identity 
and a written pass on penalty of the lash. 

The Transvaal Dutch churches, with fifty years of oppor- 
tunity, have done no church work among the natives. What 
work in the educational and evangelistic field exists there is 
the act of churches from the people of Natal, Cape Colony and 
elsewhere. 

DIFFERENTIATIONS IN REPUBLICS. 

Mr. Davis, while I write, music in the. street attracts my at- 
tention. I look out and see a band composed of colored 
musicians. Negroes in regalia as members of a secret and 
social order, in column, are on parade. At their own sweet 
will they fill the streets, while colored men and women keeping 
step are walking on the sidewalk. They are enjoying liberty, 
sweet liberty, and have equal rights under the laws of this 
Republic. 

This they could not do in the Transvaal where you find the 
model republics, the republic of that "rugged old burgher, 
Oom Paul." If they attempted to do so they would all be 



boot-blacks or body-guard, as miners or ministers of the gospel 

WHO VOTES IN AMERICA? 

tion Y , n U M Xh0rt . Dem0CratS *° COntinue their zeal ™til the elec 

No Doe/Z \ Wh ° W1U then ™ te? D ° COl °>' «*"■ ««T 
religion" no 7 Z. eX ?> erie ™ hi ^ance on account of his 
the blond , » ? franCWSe restrict ed to those who are 

the blood hneage of the colonists? No. In our land of re- 
publican.sm the Protestant-of all sects-the Cathohcs the 
~nd h t e h a7' ^Z™' *» -sily naturated for! 
tMnl , , an m W ° oa are equal before the law in all 

things, mcludmg the right to vote and as to eligibility to 

In Kruger's republic all is different and no man can vote 
except Protestant Boers. It certainly was a strange ell 
whmh prompted Irish Catholics to do battle for such an~ old A 
P. A. as Oom Paul Kruger. To yourself, who so eloquently 

CHvTm'm" 1 " aPPr ° Ved ^ A - P ' A - P ™ es - KaTs"s 
to 17Z, 1°"' aS °~ It Sh0Uld be a rery eon senial work 
to uphold those same principles in the Transvaal matter. 

TRANSVAAL FRANCHISE. 

By the Transvaal Constitution the elective franchise is 
restricted to Boers alone, and at the age of sixteen-fata 
numerals to Bryan-the Boer lad casts the ballot. 

An Uitlander must be 40 years old, he must own property 
he must renounce his native country and for fifteen years be 
a man without a country, he must have the written consent of 
a majority of the burghers of his district or ward Then the 
council of state must approve, and finally, if Kruger assents, 
he becomes a naturalized Boer. 

The child of the Uitlander born in the Transvaal takes the 
status of his father. These laws practically disfranchise for 
all time, everybody in the Transvaal but the 23,000 voters now 
there and their descendants. 



Special prohibition of the franchise is made to any one con- 
nected with the London Missionary Society. This is in a 
sense to recoup upon such people for their successful advocacy 
of the abolition of slavery in South Africa. 



POPULATION AND LOCATION OF TROOPS. 

In 1894 the population of South Africa, that is Cape Colony, 
Natal, Orange Free State and the Transvaal, was 3,351,376, of 
which about 3,000,000 were natives. This preponderance of 
natives had existed from the first occupation of the country 
and made a military force a necessity, and as a matter of duty 
England had to furnish the troops. They were stationed ac- 
cording to the exigencies, and as the Basutos and Zulus had 
location in the north part of Natal just south of the Orange 
Free States, and were a war-like people, garrisons were so 
placed as to protect white people, trade, commerce and rail- 
roads. Therefore Laing's Nek, Newcastle, Glencoe, Dunde? 
and Ladysmith became military stations. Troops were also 
located at Kimberly and Mafeking on the west of Orange Free 
State and the Transvaal. All these places were in British 
territory. 

DIAMONDS, GOLD, PEOPLE. 

The development of the diamond fields at Kimberly and 
the discovery of gold in the Rand had called people from all 
parts of the world, and the protection of person and property 
guaranteed by treaty and stipulations gave them assurance of 
safety and well-being. Uitlanders to the number of 210,000 were 
thus domiciled and engaged in business, and by 1897-8 there 
were 80,000 men of suitable age and permanent residence to 
entitle them to the franchise in any republic, and they would 
have had that right in the United States. The Boer popula- 
tion in the Transvaal was less than 100,000, all told, but to that 
blood exclusively, pertained the franchise and the government, 
national and municipal. 

Suppose the United States had adopted and maintained the 
Boer policy, and now to our 80,000,000 with whom rested the 
franchise and the government there were 210,000,000 white 
foreigners with their disqualifications, would that kind of con- 
ditions be properly called a model republic? Could a govern- 



ment be maintained thereunder? Would not revolution to 
secure reforms have long since ensued and been justified? 



BOER OUTRAGES. 

Those Uitlanders, though not voters, were business men, 
mining, manufacturing, trading, laboring, building railroads, 
cities, and modern conveniences and had hundreds of millions 
invested. They were rich prey for Boer taxation and extor- 
tion. They paid more than seventy-five per cent, of the exor- 
bitant taxes. They had no voice in public affairs, they were 
subject to personal indignities with no redress. The official 
language was Dutch, which they did not speak nor understand. 
They had no school facilities, they could not bear fire arms, 
they could not hold public meetings. There was a rigid censor- 
ship of the press. President Kruger could expel anyone at his 
will. He exercised that tyrannical power and that too, upon 
American citizens. 

Oh, yes, Mr. Davis, your clients are lovers of liberty, justice 
and equality of rights. 



OH, FOR RELIEF. 

With this predominant population of actual and permanent 
residents; with the vast business interests which they repre- 
sented; with the exorbitant taxation to which they were sub- 
jected; with their utter lack of representation or influence in 
the government; with the insolence and tyranny to which 
they were subjected, there was an abiding and increasing wish 
for reforms and the possession of a fair bill of rights. 

To whom should they. look, to whom appeal for aid, from 
what direction expect relief? 

Jameson's raid, though justified by conditions of oppression 
and endurance of wrongs, had not met their views as a plan 
of action. They wanted reform, not revolution. Kruger, the 
autocratic controller of Boer Republics, gave no assurance of 
reform or relief. 

So they naturally appealed to Great Britain, from which 
many of them came, of which many were subjects, and to 
which the Boers had given assurances that their class and 
kind should have rights and fair treatment. 

—8— 



COUNCIL OF BOER AND BRITON. 

Their appeals brought about the conference at Bloemfon- 
tein, the capital of the Orange Free State, where Sir Alfred 
Milner, on behalf of the British government and the peti- 
tioners, asked that for five years the Uitlanders should be al- 
lowed ten members of the "First Raad," which is the law-mak- 
ing power of the Transvaal government, thus increasing that 
body from twenty-four to thirty-four members, that is, he 
asked that two-thirds of the population should be allowed a 
representation of ten, while the other third should have 
twenty-four. 

To this Kruger said "no." He then made counter proposi- 
tions which were accompanied by conditions and terms which, 
while decreasing England's power in South Africa, failed to 
furnish the demanded reforms. Milner then asked the ap- 
pointment of a commission to study the practical results of 
the various propositions; but while these negotiations were 
going on and before diplomacy had been exhausted, Kruger, 
on the 10th day of October, sent in his ultimatum. It had 
been ready for a long time but his military preparations were 
incomplete. 



ARMS AND SOLDIERS, BUT NO ENEMY. 

The Boers, principally of the Transvaal, had been preparing 
for war four or five years. They had secured modern arms 
and munitions in great quantities, all of the best and most ef- 
fective kind and purchased, regardless of cost. Arsenals and 
machinery for making munitions of war were erected and 
provided. They also had been securing engineers and expert 
and skilful soldiers of fortune for years, the largs sums com- 
ing into their treasury from excessive taxation of Uitlanders 
furnishing ample means. 

Thus prepared for and committed to war Kruger immed- 
iately sought his enemy; but none were to be found in all the 
Transvaal nor in the Orange Free State, There was neither 
British garrison nor British soldier on military duty in all 
their territory and no British recruits or reinforcements were 
c:: route to South Africa with hostile intent toward the Boers. 



BRING ON YOUR TESTIMONY. 

And I challenge record testimony to the contrary, Mr. 
Davis, when i say that in the conferences with Milner there 
had been no threat on his part to appeal to arms to secure the 
demanded reforms. 

The war was the unjustified and very unwise act of 
Kruger. Had he, in full panoply of war — sustained as he 
would have been by the rights which pertain to a national or- 
ganization — stood on the defensive, even on the very line of 
his own territory, and England had made the attack, he would, 
in addition to the universal sympathy of the world, doubtless 
have secured some kind of interposition. Or, even if defeated 
in any contest of arms which might have ensued, he would 
have saved territorial integrity, though compelled to grant 
the reforms, which, by every consideration of civilization, jus- 
tice and equal rights, should have been tendered years before. 

BOERS TAKE THE OFFENSIVE. 

The ultimatum having been sent on the 10th of October 
and no British troops or garrisons being on Boer territory, 
Kruger's army made invasion of Natal and on the 14th occu- 
pied Newcastle. On the 15th the wires were cut and railroads 
interrupted at Kimberly, more than three hundred miles to 
the west; October 20th occurred the battle of Glencoe; on the 
21st at Elandslaagte, and on the 24th at Reitfontein, battles 
took place. Meantime Dundee was the scene of combat. On 
the 30th Ladysmith was the place of concentration of English 
troops and a battle with the Boers. The same day Colesberg, 
in. Natal, was occupied by Kruger's troops. November 2nd 
Ladysmith was surrounded and besieged, which condition of 
isolation and siege continued till March 1st, 1900. Kimberly 
and Mafeking were also isolated and besieged soon after the 
commencement of hostilities. 

TROPHIES GALORE. 

The press informs the people that you made personal visits 
to some of the fields and that you have souvenirs and trophies. 
From Spion Kop you brought shells, bayonets and shrapnel. 
At Dundee you got a saddle taken from a British huzzar cap- 
tain, "but immensely more valuable is a black leather saddle 



cut away at Colenso; of the plucky Battle of Elandslaagte, 
where the British made their first stirring charge, Mr. Davis 
has a huzzar officer's sword, blood stained half way up the 
blade. Then, too, he has collar ornaments and regimental dis- 
tinguishing marks, almost all of them being taken for him from 
poor fellows who lay at his feet and had no use for earthly 
things." A lion's skin 126 inches from nose to tail tip you 
bring as a trophy. 

I am unkind enough to say that if there were any speci- 
mens of perforated head-gear on any of those fields you did 
well to neglect to bring them, as the home supply is sufficient 
for exhibition purposes; and still more unkind is the impulse 
which prompts me to insert the following: "Editor Kansas 
City, Journal: In to-day's issue you quote from the Nashville 
Banner: 'Webster Davis brought a very fine lion's skin back 
from South Africa. It would be eminently proper for him to 
put it on.' I wish to add: 

Does't thou now fall over to my foes? 
Thou wear a lion's hide! Doff it for shame, 
And hang a calf skin on those recreant limbs. 
King John, Act 3. Scene 1. 

Resp., I. E. Wirick, 

Yates Center, Kan., July 13, 1900. 

KRUGER PLAYED A LONE HAND. 

It will be noticed, Mr. Davis, that Kruger in his self-suffi- 
ciency, never called for sympathy, co-operation nor counsel 
from the United States or any other nation; did not send com- 
missioners to present his cause; did not even hire any peri- 
patetic spellbinder to go to his countrymen and exhaust him- 
self and his vocabulary in expressing contempt for England 
and in calling for sympathy, and for "a hundred thousand 
Americans, with a proper fleet, to arm themselves and go to 
aid the Boers." So easy to raise an army and equip a navy. 
.See? 

No like the Dictator of the platforms and policies of your 
new party — "Brennings," I think you called him — who gave his 
ultimatum of 16 to 1, ''without waiting for the consent of any 
other nation," Dictator Kruger cast the die and engaged in an 
offensive war without consulting or informing any other na- 
tion. 



Without exposing himself on the firing line he sent his 
burghers to the hazard of battle. Still they seem to have been 
inspired by his caution, for though they outnumbered the be- 
leagured garrisons, they contented themselves by firing at long 
range on women and children — not having the nerve to fight 
like men, and soldiers — and make assault. 

SUFFERINGS OF WOMEN AND CHILDREN. 

Citizens and soldiers subsisted on repulsive fare. In Lady- 
smith 2,000 horses were slaughtered for food, ears of corn sold 
for seventy-five cents each, tins, or cans, of milk cost $2.50; 
starch with blueing in it, originally intended for the laundry, 
and bran were mixed and made into bread, canary seed was 
beaten up into meal, and violet powder, prepared for the 
toilet, was made into rice cakes. The shells from the cannon 
fired from the safe distance of three or four miles were not 
half so destructive of life as famine, starvation, bad water and 
the consequent pestilence. Its victims outnumbered those of 
the fire-arms ten to one. The other besieged cities suf- 
fered likewise. And all this suffering of women, children, in- 
offensive non-combatants and troops, Mr. Davis, because your 
patron and paymaster, Kruger, invaded English territory. 

KRUGER'S POLICIES AND SUCCESS. 

When hostilities were commenced great efforts were made 
to secure military co-operation from Boer cities in South 
Africa. Some success resulted in Natal — and Cape Colony 
Boers, at times, seemed to be ready to join the hostiles. The 
Zulus and Basutos, whose tribal homes were in Natal, were 
visited by Boer emissaries who urged them to make common 
cause against the English. Natal was declared to be no longer 
under British control, but to be annexed to the Orange Free 
State, and President Steyn issued official proclamations, or- 
ders of jurisdiction and severance of that Colony from English 
rule. 

Thus everything went gloriously for the Boers. Many 
people thought that Kruger was one of the world's great states- 
men, that the Boers were invincible soldiers and their generals 
great strategists. 

Some people believed that, by reason of their losses, Eng- 
lish generals and soldiers would be discarded among fighting 

-12— 



men and that England would be relegated to class as a second- 
rate power among nations. 

SHOULD ENGLAND SURRENDER? 

Now, Mr. Davis, under these well-known and undisputed 
facts, what was the duty of England? Should she surrender 
to the Boers; supplicate for the withdrawal of her troops and 
munitions ; leave her thousands of citizens with their vast bus- 
iness interests to the malicious disposition of ignorant and 
persecuting Boers; abandon her protectorate over the more 
than six million square miles of adjacent territory; give up 
Natal and Cape Colony; abandon her Cape to Cairo Railroad 
of 7,000 miles, more than one-half of which is completed; give 
up the net work of railroads in South Africa; abandon all her 
public interests, her church, missionary and educational work; 
leave the natives to the rule of the Boer slave holders; sur- 
render the African part of her world's sub-marine cable sys- 
tem; give up all to the tyrannical, autocratic, stiff-necked 
Kruger; to the disgrace and dishonor of her national reputa- 
tion, standing and history? 

OR MEET FORCE WITH FORCE? 

Or should England, in her great duty to her own people 
and her responsibility to the civilized world, have done just 
as she has done, send an army to relieve her cities and citi- 
zens, sustain her local authority and maintain her national 
prestige by meeting force with force? To do so was quite 
within her power, as has been demonstrated. 

You, and of your ilk, may take up and sound abroad the cry 
of sympathy for the "poor weak Boer," as if their weakness 
should cover the multitude of their offendings and as if a 
strong and powerful nation had no rights which a weak one 
was bound to respect, but Mr. Davis, there is a book — some- 
times the guide of men — wherein is a sentiment regarding the 
perishing by the sword of he who takes if, and the consensus 
of opinion among jurists is that the sentiment is correct. It 
seems to be abundantly exemplified in the case under con- 
sideration. 

BEST EVIDENCE. 

The best evidence that England had no hostile intentions 
in the conventions and controversies concerning the demanded 

—13— 



reforms is shown by the fact that she was unprepared for 
war. The garrisons in all her extended frontiers, in that part 
of Africa, numbered less than 15,000 men., and these were scat- 
tered with no facilities nor plans for concentration. Yes. 
England was taken by surprise. She had to mobilize an army 
and call troops and generals of experience and skill from all 
parts of her possessions. 

This condition of unpreparedness and lack of hostile in- 
tent is further shown in that notwithstanding the great in- 
volvement of national interests, and her sympathy for her 
suffering subjects on her own soil, it was four months before 
she was able to relieve any of her beleaguered cities and one 
hundred and thirty-five days before she made capture of 
Cronje's army, and then eighty days more before the relief of 
Mafeking. 

THE BOER SQUEALS. 

About the time of the capture of Cronje, "His Autocracy." 
President Kruger, began to come to his senses. He asked in- 
tervention through the United States consulate at Pretoria. 

Then President McKinley, wisely regarding the provisions 
of The Hague convention in such cases made and provided, 
and gladly embracing the opportunity and request, tendered 
his friendly offices in the interest of peace between Great 
Britain and the South African Republics. 

More than that, he, as the Chief Magistrate of a law-abid- 
ing nation, could not do. Less than that, he, as a "god-like" — 
to use your own sycophantic phrase — would not do. 

THE INEVITABLE. 

Mr. Davis, for the purposes of this discussion, the histori- 
cal part might here "rest." 

The world knows that England, though surprised, and. 
for that struggle unprepared, did put an army in the field. 
and that not only has she recovered her own territory, but 
that, on the 13th of March last. President Steyn — when Gen- 
eral Roberts occupied Bloemfontein — found how foolish it was 
for him to be induced to go on a "sympathy strike." Kruger, 
who so promptly sent Boer troops across the line on the 14th 
of October. 1899. found necessity for more prompt personal 



action, when, to save himself from St. Helena, he, on the 30th 
of May, 1900, hastily quit his capital, Pretoria. 

It seems only to remain for him to become a voluntary 
exile, or to accept the inevitable and make terms. In modern 
warfare the bill of costs falls on the vanquished. In this case 
it will vastly exceed the amount paid by him to "walking dele- 
gates" like yourself. 

KRUGER'S GOLD-BRICK DEAL. 

It remains for you to explain to your fellow citizens why 
and how, you, while yet a civil officer in the service of the 
United States, could take diplomatic service with the Boers, 
could devote time to the promotion of their warlike, hostile, 
actions, could denounce a power with which your govern- 
ment was at peace, and could encourage American citizens 
whom you found in the Boer military service, to continue their 
hostile actions? 

To many there seems but one solution of the problems, 
and that is, the payment and receipt of gold. However, the 
consensus of opinion of those who have given the matter of 
amount received any thought, is that whether much or little, 
it was a deal which partook largely of the "gold-brick" genus. 

It pleased you to say, through an interview in the Post-Dis- 
patch of July 21st, that there was only $3.75 in the Transvaal 
treasury, when you inspected (or went through) it. You say: 
"They had bar gold and silver to be sure, but it was valueless 
to them at the time as the government mints were not in opera- 
tion, while it was impossible to get the precious metals on the 
market — mark me, I say right at that period." You also say: 
"The idea that Kruger is paying me to work up sentiment in 
this country is ridiculous. I will call anyone a liar who makes 
such a statement." Notwithstanding the severe impending 
penalty, there are many who indulge the "idea." And many 
also who are surprised that you left Kruger that $3.75, 
though on reflection, you didn't say you did. Still those value- 
less bars of gold and silver — quantity not stated — left them 
(if left) might have eased a sensitive conscience. There be 
rumors of a large deposit made in a Kansas City bank by a 
"peripatetic" soon after your return from Krugerland. 



WHERE AM I AT? 

Mr. Davis, Democrats and their affiliants may accept your 
services, but will they trust you? They know you as a self- 
confessed hireling who severed your relations with another 
party with a sordid balancing of accounts. They hear you an- 
nounce yourself a traitor, justifying your treason by reference 
to services rendered, and a compensation received. They 
see you place yourself on the bargain-counter, they make in- 
ventory to wit, one fine personnel, one broad brow "wherein 
no sense reposes," one pair of bright, but sinister eyes, one 
moustach-covered mouth, out of which with unsurpassed elo- 
quence, flow ."words, words, words," declarations of excessive 
love of leiber-tay, sweet leiber-tay," and maudlin sycophantic 
personal adulations for anyone whom you wish to "work," 
all on sale. If they buy, it will be with the full conviction that 
their new acquisition will "flop" at will. They know that it is 
hard to break an old egg-sucking dog of his tricks. They 
know that once a "turn-coat," always a "turn-coat." 



THE "PER CAPITER." 

Commencing my political work as one of a Juvenile Tippe- 
canoe Club in 1840, giving my support to the first Free Soil 
Platform, and holding an active worker's place among those 
who have upheld national principles and unity from Fremont 
to McKinley, I may truly be called a partisan. Yet, I am not 
one who believes that personal and political virtue dwells ex- 
clusively with the party of my affiliation — though I sincerely 
think that never co my knowledge was the "per capiter" of 
personal excellence, political honesty and regard for prin- 
ciple more unequally distributed among the parties than in 
this campaign. 

Still, with all their lack, I am convinced that your new 
party associates will ever keep in mind the old maxim, 
"Never trust a traitor," for among them are many men of noble 
heart and level head. 

England received Benedict Arnold into her service, but 
-who gave him confidence or social recognition? Other Brit- 
ish officers, though loyal to the crown and to its American 
policy, refused to sit with him at the mess table. Where now 
is his dishonored grave? 

—16— 



A VIPER. 

Not content with your display of baseness and oratory in 
the Democratic Convention, when you endorsed their plat- 
form and candidate, you, in your new role and inspired by the 
spirit of despicable ingratitude, went to the Silver Republican 
Convention the next day, and leaving principles of political 
economy and platforms out of view, you signalized your in- 
herent pusillanimity by an uncalled for personal assault upon 
the man who called you from want, penury and idleness, to 
an office far beyond your merit and ability (and I quote from 
the Kansas City Journal of July 7, 1900) "McKinley sent people 
to Cuba to rob the Cubans. His policy in Porto Rico has been 
an outrage. When the war with Spain was over the admin- 
istration attempted to steal the islands from the Filipinos 
and, of course, they rebelled." 

Herein is ignorance of facts and perversity of mind which, 
if compared to, or illustrated by the lowest of your new politi- 
cal associates would be, to them, an insult. 

You doubtless have heard of the fabled case of the over- 
kind man and the benumbed viper. The man warmed the rep- 
tile into the life and vigor, and was rewarded by a venomous 
sting. 

CAME AS EXPECTED. 

Ever since 1896, when in the Coates Opera House, while 
seeking to place yourself at the head of the Republican party 
and to secure the nomination for Governor of Missouri, you 
said, "the old soldier has had his day." . . . We young 
men propose to take charge of political affairs , . . . I 
have not ceased to expect you to do the traitorous "mounte- 
bank" act which you executed on July 5th, 1900. 

In that address you exhibited a vaulting ambition; a lack 
of political perspicuity, and a willingness and wish, to build 
your preferment upon the ruin of your most able and devoted 
political associates. My sixty years of political work and ob- 
servation have taught me to expect such people to commit 
political suicide sooner or later. 

It seems that excessive ambition, the ever-existing lack 
of political sagacity and your innate trend to harm your best 
friends and benefactors had chance for full play when Secre- 
tary Hitchcock took his portfolio in President McKinley's 
Cabinet. 



WAR UP BRYAN'S SLEEVE. 

If Bryan really has a war wth England, over the Boer 
involvement, "up his sleeve," eager to launch it when grasp- 
ing the "scepter," it is well that the business, the commerce, 
the coast cities and all other interests, as well as the intelli- 
gence of the country should know it, and be consulted. 

It seems rather strange that one of so limited military 
experience should be so warlike, so ready, and so relied on 
to go into the tyrant-stopping, hand-staying, ispe-dixiting busi- 
ness. Possibly the solution of the question may lie in that 
limited experience after all. 

And here arises that two-year old query, as to whether 
the Spaniards surrendered because Bryan donned his Colonel's 
eagles, or whether he put on his regimentals because he fore- 
saw that his command could never, by any possibility, see 
fighting Spaniards? , 

And how does the Dictator and his subservient party stand 
on the present Chinese involvement? Jointly they main- 
tained silence July 4th and 5th, though then a matter of public 
news. Policy and demagoguery sealed their lips till they 
could see a possibility of placing themselves in the opposition 
to what the administration mig~ht do. 



EXPERIENCE IN TYRANT-STOPPING. 

Instructed by Congress and sustained by confidence 
and by appropriations made with a unanimity un- 
exampled in the history of this commonwealth, McKinley went 
into the tyrant-stopping business in 1898, and though grandly 
successful we all know the cost in blood and treasure. 

Such unanimity of sentiment and harmony of action could 
hardly be expected in the crusade aud imperialistic scheme of 
your new and now "god like." And as to the subject upon 
whom be would now seem to like to operate, England, there 
would be a vast difference between -that power and Spain in 
the matter of ability to resist. 

Should Bryan be inaugurated March 4th next, and retain 
his now expressed hostility to England, and should Kruger 
maintain the semblance of armed resistence up to that time it 
would be easy and logical for he who would then "reign" to 
attempt tyrant-stopping. 

—18— 



With his fondness for the spectacular, with his utter lack 
of experience in practical statesmanship and diplomacy and 
depending upon his Attorney General — Atwood, possibly — 
for advice, he could easily so trespass upon the amenities of 
international intercourse as to precipitate hostilities. 

If their words mean anything, Bryan and his supporters 
would inaugurate contentions about the Boer-British status — 
whatever that might then be. Not to do so would reverse 
all their platitudes. 

Let the American voter carefully consider, and look well 
before he leaps. 

BRITISH CABLE SYSTEM. 

Your reference to the possibility for getting a matter of 
news over the "British cable" shows that you are cognizant of 
the fact that England controls the submarine cable system of 
the world, though Americans invented and organized it. 

She has ten lines to this country with ramifications through 
British America and the West Indies. Three lines from 
London, via. Spain and Portugal, extend to Central and South 
America, down the east coast to Monte Video, across the conti- 
nent to Valparaiso, up to Mexico, to Vera Cruz, Tampico and to 
Galveston, Texas. Four lines from London reach Gibralter, 
Malta, Egypt and via the Red Sea — Aden, in Arabia. Thence 
lines reach all Eastern and South Africa to Cape Town. 
Another line creeps up the west coast of Africa and across to 
Cadiz, Spain. From Aden lines extend to Bombay and all 
India, to Ceylon, Japan, China, the Philippines, Australia and 
New Zealand. 

Thus your much-hated England is the unrivalled controller 
of the Sub-Marine Empire of the World. 

Loyal British subjects alone sit at the instruments and the 
head of the system is in London. 

The government subsidized the lines and can take posses- 
sion at any time. In case of war no hostile nation could send 
or receive information nor direct the movements of armies or 
navies, while England could do both. One of her war ships 
would be worth several of the enemy's vessels and a small 
fleet could be so directed as to devastate or lay under tribute 
all coast cities and commerce. 

Were Great Britain inspired by the malevolence which 



marks your diatribes against her she would do much harm in 
the world. 

These facts are placed "on the outer wall" as hints to 
Presidents who contemplate going into the "ipse dixit" busi- 
ness, and to Vice-Presidential aspirants generally. 



THAT SECRET ALLIANCE. 

In the matter of a secret alliance with Great Britain you 
have certainly played the people false. First, you declared in 
soothing and honeyed words, that it did not exist. Then you 
broke into the peace and quiet which -your words had in- 
spired with the cry of alarm and the statement that it was a 
live danger — threatening reality. Mr. Davis, which statement 
is false? 

It is a consolation to rest assured that notwithstanding 
your alarms, the United States has a perpetual charter to do 
business as a paramount nation, that her credit is above par, 
that she will never exhaust her resources, will never be com- 
pelled to go into liquidation nor be placed in the hands of a 
receiver. Expansion is one of Uncle Sam's fads and he has 
never made an unprofitable real estate deal; though in the 
occupancy of his new holdings, from the Louisiana Purchase 
to the Philippines, he has had to do the imperialistic act and 
overcome native insubordination and rebellion, by force of 
arms. 

OUR INSPIRATION. 

Not alone the value of land nor the increase of military 
glory and international prestige should be our inspiration. 
But to acquit ourselves as faithful stewards of the political 
treasure committed, to us. Raised up as the beneficiaries of 
Cod — ruler of nations — instructed and experienced — we have 
a duty to perform as benefactors. When Christ had in- 
structed and inspired His disciples he did not say, "Now 
stand aloof, now isolate yourselves." No; he said, "Go! 
go! go!" 

In this era of the world's history, so pregnant with un- 
certainties and possibilities, we stand as did St. Paul when a 
"great door and effectual" was opened to him — like him 
"there are many adversaries." 



The Orient is our open door; Dewey handled the key; 
Merritt helped him throw the door wide open; we have en- 
tered and all Bryanism can't shut it. 



FIVE HISTORIC SCENES. 

Mr. Davis, let us now look upon scenes portraying- Trag- 
edy, Coined}' and Farce. 

Scene: I. — Dewey in Manila Bay, destroys Spanish 
fleet. 

Scene II. — Dewey and Merritt defeat Spanish land 
forces and occupy Manila. 

Scene III, — Aguinaldo's mob army attacks Ameri- 
can soldiers. 

Scene IV. — Americans haul down "Old Glory" and 
take to their heels for safety. 

Scene V. — American soldiers embark for home, whip- 
ped out for the first time in history. 

Don't the last two scenes "jar you?" But that is just 
what you Bryanites demand — just what Spellbinders, 
Senators, and Candidates wish to effect — just what they 
treasonably have aided Aguinaldo to do, and just what Mr. 
Jones, Chairman of the National Democratic Committee, says 
Bryan will do if he is inaugurated President. 

IMPERIALISM AND DESPOTISM. 

Your adopted platform asserts, "imperialism abroad will 
lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home." 

Imperialism, as defined by your party, is expansion. There 
have been many Americans who sustained that policy and 
among them was one Wm. J. Bryan. His influence was a po- 
tent factor in securing the ratification of the treaty of Paris. 
That treaty gave the United States title to islands of the An- 
tilles and in the Orient. Thus Bryan is an Imperialist and 
your platform condemns all such. Don't you think that there 
is an identifiable stultification or two in the air? 

Imperialism, in the abstract and in practice, is the in- 
fringement by officer or clique upon the rights and liberties 
of the people, or, the absolute taking away of the same. It 



may develop in a manifest change in organic form of govern- 
ment; or, it may exist by, and in, the perversion of even the 
forms and processes of a Republic. To illustrate, like Goebel- 
ism in Kentucky, Tillmanism in South Carolina, or the police 
system, as applied to St. Louis and Kansas City, in Missouri. 

There is imperialism! There is "despotism at home!" 
From whence does it come? From McKinley? From Re- 
publican persons or principles? No, Mr. Davis, from Demo- 
crats, who sat in the convention and "howled" when you 
apostrophized "leiber-tay." Whence will come relief? From 
Republicans in Kentucky and that by the exercise of their 
constitutional right at the ballot box or by the god-given right 
01 revolution. From republicans in Missouri at the ballot 
box. Poor old South Carolina, she is hopelessly in the im- 
perialistic, despotic grasp of Tillman who weeps over the fate 
of colored Filipinos, but murders and disfranchises his fellow- 
citizens of color at home. 

"And of such is the Kingdom of" — Bryan. 



MILITARISM. 

The United States has had her Revolutionary army, he- 
army of 1812, her army in Mexico, her army in the various 
Indian wars, her Federal Union army, her army in Cuba, her 
army in the Philippines and in China, more in the aggregate 
than 3,250,000 men. Mr. Davis, when in the history of all 
those armies — as wholes or as individual soldiers — did any 
one do — or attempt to do — an act which tended to establish 
an empire or to abridge the liberties of the people? When 
attempt to establish militarism? 

There is a remnant of the patriots who saved the Republic 
from disruption, the only organization on earth which exists 
solely to teach and exemplify patriotism, the G. A. R. Is it a 
menace to any political right or to the liberties of the people? 

Then there are the returned soldiers from Cuba and the 
Philippines. Are you or your party afraid that they are 
transforming the Republic into an Empire, that they will 
"despotism" you? 

Of the American soldiery eleven have occupied the Presi- 
dential chair. A million or more have suffered wounds or 
death in the line of duty, not for the empire, but for the Re- 
public. 



i.«rt. 



In the matter of patriotic personality, and history, what 
a contrast between McKinley and Bryan, or Rosevelt and 
Stevenson! 

THE DOLEFUL DEMOCRACY. 

Lugubrious declarations and direful forecastings has been 
the habit of your party. When in national conclave in 1864, 
it had it, that the war was a failure and that "the Constitution 
itself has been disregarded in every part." In 1868, after 
four years more of Republican rule, your party said of our 
party, "under its repeated assaults the pillars of the Govern- 
ment are rocking on their base and should it succeed in No- 
vember next and inaugurate its President, we will meet as a 
subjugated and conquered people amid the ruins of liberty and 
the scattered fragments of the Constitution." The Republi- 
cans succeeded, the amendment conferring the franchise 
upon colored citizens was adopted, the pillars of the Govern- 
ment assumed erectness and firmness, the ruins of liberty 
disappeared, the fragments of the Constitution were reunited 
and the ark of the covenant remained unpolluted. True to 
their pledge of subjugation and surrender your party in 1872 
said, "we pledge ourselves to maintain the union of these 
states, emancipation and enfranchisement." 

So when McKinley and Roosevelt are elected this time, 
and Roosevelt and Dolliver in 1904, and Republicans save 
the Republic from Democracy, maintain the finances, the liber- 
ties, the honor and credit of the nation; exalt and sustain the 
flag and assure security abroad, mayhap your party may be- 
come patriotic enough to say, "Amen, so mote it be." 

A HIRELING HUMBUG! 

Mr. Davis, you have joined your destiny to and united in 
the work of representatives from ten or eleven states where 
"despotism at home" has been so absolutely established that 
hundreds of thousands of constitutional electors are disfran- 
chised. The votes of those states are thereby assured for 
Bryan — just as well save the expense of an election. And 
those votes will compete in the Electoral College with honest, 
intelligent, actual American votes. All this Ts as well known 
to you as to any other Americ\ n citizen, and yet you will go 
up and down the country in the employ of those very wrong- 



' «« 



doers and sing your song of "Leiber-tay, sweet leiber-tay! 
sweetest word that ever blossomed on the lips of man!" 

To forward their work of despotism you even desecrate 
the soul-inspiring sentiments of united patriotism and Chris- 
tianity, as embodied in the song which the Union soldier 
sang on the march, in camp and on the field of battle: 
"In the beauty of the lillies, Christ was born across the sea, 
As he died to make men holy, let us die to make men free." 

Those soldiers were making sacrifice and hazarding life 
for the ideals of patriots, statesmen and humanitarians 
'which have come thundering to us down the colonades of 
time." Their work was in the line of moral redemption. They 
were accelerating the era of prophecy — glorious universal 
peace. By them, the use of that song was not sacrilege nor 
blasphemy. 

But when you, though ever so eloquently, quote it in the 
interest of the murdering, disfranchising, despotic, imperialis- 
tic democracy, what can it be called but sacrilege? 

Thus you steal the livery of heaven to serve the devil in. 

OH! MINE GELT! MINE GELT! MINE GELT! 

To Oom Paul Kruger, who paid you so well for anticipated 
services of great political and military value, it must have 
come as a cruel irony when, instead of what he stipulated 
for, there came to him a "special messenger" bearing assur- 
ances — and that in the form of their signatures — in their own 
hand writing, that thirty thousand school children in the Unit- 
ed States, on an exparte statement, and by your eloquence, had 
been so moved that they, in that act, assured him and the 
Boer cause of their sympathy. 

Oom Paul also must have felt greatly relieved when he 
read such words of wisdom and assurance as were uttered 
by you in your address in the Orpheum in this city, May 14th 
last, when you said, "Oom Paul Kruger shall not go to St. 
Helena! Or. if he does, he shall march on a pavement of 
British skulls" from Pretoria to Cape Town." You see. he 
knows that the distance is only 1040 miles. 



DAVIS HURTS ENGLAND. 

Still it appears that your services have not been entirely 
without direful results to England as will be seen by the fol- 



lowing extract from a private chronological record of current 
important events — kept in K. C, U. S. A., to-wit: 

"Wireless Telegraph a Great Success. 

"Latest from South Africa. 

"Mortality among Missouri Mules. 

"Cape Town, June 15, 1900. — The last consignment of 
mules from the United States arrived in good condition, all 
things considered. The animals were immediately placed 
upon the veldt to recuperate, under the care of Missouri cow- 
boys, who have had charge since shipped from K. C There 
was abundance of grass and water and the herd was doing 
well. But day before yesterday one of the herders received 
a K. C. Star of May 15th, wherein was a report of Webster 
Davis, Ex. Etc., Etc., pro-Boer speech at the Orpheum, the 
day before. This speech he read aloud to other herders and 
as they were great friends of Davis, they loudly cheered his 
words and he was requested to read again. But those Amer- 
ican cheers had a familiar sound to those American mules 
and caused them also to gather around the men. But, alas, 
for the differentation in fate of men and mules. The men 
were soon to return to Missouri, the mules never. So, when 
the reader voiced the orator's eulogy upon "Missou-ray grand 
old Missou-ray," and spoke of the beautiful scenes of hill and 
valley, with the grand forests and green grass, the bright skies 
and gurgling rills, the sound of the anvil and the song of the 
plowman — the mule had been there, had got bright new shoes 
at the shop and had plowed with the plowman — the men al! 
cheered, but the mules joined in one loud,' long, lamenting 
bray. But joy of man and grief of mule readied the fu'l 
measure of exuberance and of sadness when the reader came 
to the extacies of the inimitable Webster when he apostro- 
phized "lieber-tay, sweet lieber-tay, sweetest word that aver 
blossomed on the lips av man; leiber-tay, sweet leiber-tay 
which throbs in the hearts av the wild beasts av the forest." 
Then the cowboys cheered and cheered and cheered again, but 
the mules in chorus gave one long, heart-breaking, wailing, 
shrieking bray, "doubled up" and died; died of "nostalgia," 
home-sick even unto death." 

"Later. — Contracts will soon be let to secure materials for 
constructing the "Paseo Davis" extending from Pretoria to 
Cape Town upon which Oom Paul Kruger will march on his 
waj to St. Helena. Only fifty million British skulls will be 
required." 



MORE WORK FOR BUSY WORKERS. 

Mr. Davis, though you are a very busy man., having the 
duty and work of directing home and foreign interests al- 
ready assumed, and "Atlas like" are carrying the world on 
your shoulders, you still might take on another straw, in the 
form of intervention in Chinese affairs. Those poor "boxers" 
who are struggling against attempts to introduce a religion 
which is not to their liking and are surely in danger of being 
"governed without their consent," certainly are subjects for 
sympathy. Could not Davis, Atwood, Bryan and Co. cham- 
pion their cause? 

Regardless, however, of that Chinese matter, I remain 
ready to sustain my positions in the Boer-British conflict, and 
for further discussion, public or otherwise. 

I am yours to command, 

W. F. CLOUD, 

Kansas City. U. S. A., July 22d. 1900. 




W. F. CLOUD, 
Colonel Second Kansas Cavalry, 1862- 



PRESIDENT DIAZ! 

Who is Diaz ? What Has He Done ? Why Do Him Honor? 

mead tbe Iheart of .fllkxfco- 

A LECTURE 

By COL. W. F. CLOUD, 

A Veteran of the Mexican and Civil War 

And learn that Diaz is one of the grandest men of the nine- 
teenth century. This lecture is commended by Senor 
Mariscal, Sec'y of State Mexico, Ambassador 
Romero from Mexicd, and Ex-Governor 
T. T. Crittenden, late Consul- 
General to Mexico. 

37 PAGES, 10 CENTS. 



Mexico Under X-Rays. 

A Work on Political Economy, 
By COL. W. F. CLOUD, 

A veteran of the Mexican and Civil War 

The Tragedies, Revolutions, and Evolutions connected with 

Mexico's Political History, from Cortez, 1521, to Diaz, 1896, 

are graphically written up in chronological order, with 

names and deeds of Mexico's Grand Statesmen 

and Patriots, and of her Demagogees and 

Spoilers. Data from Spanish Books and 

Records. Also a brief history of the 

War with tne United States. 

340 Pages, 12M0., Illustrated, Cloth Bound, $1.00. 

10c extra "by Mail. 10 per cent discount to Libraries, Schools, etc. 



W. F. CLOUD, 

1334 HARRISON STREET, KANSAS CITY, MO. 



90Q 



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